M
h
t
evaluated in this way standardizes both for changes in prices since 1973
and for the needs of families with characteristics diVerent from A
R
. The
number of poor equals the number of families for which M
h
t
< M
Z
. Alterna-
tively, the number of poor equals the number of families for which V
h
t
< V
R
Z
,
the poverty line level of utility, which is constant over time.
Slesnick found that his consumption-based poverty count was lower than
the oYcial poverty count in all but 4 years of the sample period and was
substantially lower by the end of the period. From 1981 through 1989, Sles-
nick's estimated poverty rate was approximately four percentage points below
the oYcial poverty rate each year. For example, in 1989 Slesnick estimated
that 8.4% of all families were poor, whereas the oYcial poverty rate was 12.8%.
The consumption-based poverty rate is below the oYcial income poverty
rate primarily for three reasons. One is that 40% of the poor own their own
homes, so that they consume a fairly large amount of capital services; capital
service Xows account for 10 to 13% of the total expenditures of the poor in
Slesnick's sample. The second is that a large number of the poor dissave; their
incomes are temporarily low and they dissave to maintain their standard of
living. The third factor that drove the Slesnick poverty counts down sharply
in the 1980s was a change in family characteristics that helped to move
families out of poverty, both directly and indirectly by its eVect on the
composition of family expenditures
Slesnick argues that his consumption-based poverty count is superior to
the oYcial count because it better reXects families' permanent economic
situations. The poor by his measure are more likely to be permanent income
poor than the ``oYcial'' current income poor. He found that budgets of the
consumption poor contain a lower percentage of capital services than
the consumption nonpoor because they are less likely to own their own
homes. He also found that the consumption poor devote a higher percentage
of their budgets to purchases of food.
SOCIAL WELFARE AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
Bergson and Samuelson conceived of their individualistic social welfare func-
tion in terms of end-results equity, as a device for evaluating the ethical content
of social outcomes. All our applications of the social welfare function so far
have been in this vein. Despite its end-results orientation, economists have also
used the social welfare function to measure the ethical implications of one
common measure of process equity, the degree of social mobility in society.
Social mobility refers to the ability of individuals (families) to move
throughout the distribution of income over time. It is closely related to the
other widely held notion of process equity, equal opportunity. At one ex-
treme is the caste system, a completely immobile society. People are assigned
a position in the distribution at birth and can never move; there is no
134 SOCIAL WELFARE AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

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