September 2020
Beginner to intermediate
528 pages
12h 33m
English
Content preview from Analytics Stories
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CHAPTER 18Gerrymandering
During 2018 and 2019, approval of Congress was around 19% (www.statista.com/statistics/207579/public-approval-rating-of-the-us-congress/). To put American's view of Congress in perspective, we note that in 2017, polygamy had 17% approval (news.gallup.com/opinion/polling-matters/214601/moral-acceptance-polygamy-record-high-why.aspx).
Yet, as shown in Table 18.1, the fraction of House incumbents winning reelection each year averages well over 90% (www.thoughtco.com/do-congressmen-ever-lose-re-election-3367511).
Table 18.1: Fraction of incumbent House members winning reelection
| YEAR | FRACTION INCUMBENTS REELECTED |
| 2008 | 94% |
| 2010 | 85% |
| 2012 | 90% |
| 2014 | 95% |
| 2016 | 97% |
| 2018 | 91% |
How can we reconcile America's disapproval of Congress with the virtually automatic incumbent reelection rate? The answer is that in 37 of 43 states with more than one member of the House, the state legislatures set the House district boundaries. In our partisan nation, Republican-controlled state legislatures set district boundaries that meet legal constraints and are likely to elect the most Republicans, whereas Democratic-controlled state legislatures set district boundaries that are likely to elect the most Democrats. Congressional districts are set after each census, so in most states the current districts were set by the state legislatures elected in 2010. Gerrymandering is the name given to the process of setting district boundaries to give the party in power ...
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